Geannoteerde briefwisseling van de twee geleerden over het vraagstuk van de evolutie.

Recent articles in Religious Studies have underscored the questions of whether Buddhism presents any empirical doctrines, and whether, if it does, such doctrines are false or vacuous. In what follows I want to sketch an interpretation of Buddhism according to which it does not offer doctrines which are empirically false, on the one hand, or trivially true on the other. In doing so I take my cue from an earlier, and by now classic, paper by H. H. Price. For the (...) exposition of Buddhism I take the Pali Nikāyas, the single most significant collection of texts in the Buddhist tradition. The particular doctrine which is the focus of discussion here is the kammavāda or ‘karma view’ of early Indian Buddhism, for it is the focus of much of the recent literature cited above and a doctrine which some have thought amenable to statement in empirical terms. (shrink)

The paper discusses the critical importance of interdependence and team development for the devel opment of human values, humane organizations, and sustainable earth management. The paper accords priority to the cultivation and nurturance of this spirit over TQM, reengineering, strategic management and the like. While not denying the practical need for hierarchy, specialization and discipline, the paper argues that it is the one-sided emphasis on such features which has aggravated fragmentation in organizations, militating against interdependent teamwork.

A tradução de textos filosóficos constitui um elemento central, embora geralmente negligenciado, da constituição do campo filosófico em cada época e dentro de uma determinada tradição lingüística. As traduções, antes de tudo, contribuem para a formação e a renovação do corpo de conceitos sem os quais não há pensamento articulado, nem especulação, nem a emergência do novo. A Idade Média, especialmente com as traduções arabo-latinas e greco-latinas dos séculos XII-XIII, fornece-nos uma poderosa ilustração do contributo das traduções para. a formação (...) do léxico filosófico e sobretudo para a renovação literária e científica da filosofia. Nesses séculos não assistimos apenas à recepção de uma biblioteca até aí desconhecida em latim, mas sobretudo à constituição de uma rica e dinâmica reserva de conceitos. É sob o impulso das traduções que se abre e se constitui no final da Idade Média outra tradição filosófica, no interior da qual germinarão, também por via de tradução para as novas línguas latinas e anglo-saxónicas, as múltiplas linhagens filosóficas modernas e contemporâneas. (shrink)

This volume presents new texts of Cicero's dialogues on political philosophy, De Re Publica and De Legibus, together with corrected versions of the editor's previously published editions of Cato Maior de Senectute and Laelius de Amicitia. The texts are based on a full reconsideration of the manuscript evidence and are presented in a clear and readable form.

Le « lieu théologique » qu'est le magistère de l'Eglise s'impose de plus en plus à la réflexion du théologien, du canoniste et, plus largement, de tout catholique averti en raison de documents nombreux et divers émanant du pape et des instances romaines. Tirant ses origines du concept de tradition en référence directe à l'expérience de foi, le Magistère est aussi le produit d'une longue histoire. Dans cette histoire, l'organe transmetteur allait prendre le pas sur la tradition transmise, avec prise (...) en compte de la foi comme obéissance plutôt qu'adhésion et surgissement du concept de « foi ecclésiastique ». Au terme de cette histoire, une question se pose inévitablement : doit-on analyser ces évolutions en terme de dérives ? The « theological site » that is the Church's Magisterium is more and more a subject of reflection for the theologian, the canonist, and, more generally, fur every aware Catholic. This is especially due to the numerous and diverse documents coming from the Pope and other Roman sources. Deriving its origins from the concept of tradition in direct reference to the experience of faith, the Magisterium is also the Product of a long history. In this history the transmitting organ would take ascendancy over received tradition, with an account of the faith as obedience rather than adhesion, and the growth of the concept of « ecclesiastical faith. » At the term of this history a question is inevitably posed : should one analyze these evolutions in terms of going astray ? (shrink)

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In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:171. JACOBITISM AND DAVID HUME: THE IDEOLOGICAL BACKLASH FOILED It has often been said, and with some truth, that one of the weaknesses of the Jacobite movement was its lack of a systematic ideology or of a truly firstrate mind to expound its doctrines. There are of course those who would claim that in an earlier period Charles Leslie or Francis Atterbury easily fulfilled the necessary conditions as expositors, (...) and that this tradition was continued in the years immediately before the '45 by Carte and Chevalier Ramsay. Yet there were weaknesses in Jacobite doctrine, some of which will be noted below. It is less often realised that, qua logical cogency, the arguments of the Whigs and other opponents of Jacobitism were, to say the least, in no better case. In a word, anti-Jacobite ideology completely failed in the task of devastating the Stuarts and their followers. This failure is apparent when we consider the writings of David Hume, who addressed himself on many occasions, either explicitly or implicitly, to the question of Jacobitism. One of Hume's aims was to give the Revolution settlement and the Hanoverian succession the respectable intellectual basis it did not possess from official Whig ideology. In this aim Hume unquestionably failed, his arguments being either internally inconsistent or lacking in the intellectual rigour necessary to topple his targets. Following the method attributed to Karl Popper by Brian Magee, it will be instructive at this point to consider the anti-Jacobite case, not at its weakest, but at its strongest. In a word, it is proposed to consider in detail the political writings on the issue of Jacobitism of a man widely acknowledged to be the greatest British thinker of the eighteenth century and one of the finest philosophers of the ages. If the 172. most powerful mind in British philosophy was unable to contrive a theory or theories that could unseat Jacobitism as an ideology, this tends to indicate that the intellectual supports of the' doctrine were nothing like so feeble as Whig apologists claimed, and that historians have been rather too quick to claim that eighteenth-century Jacobitism depended on a defunct or discredited belief-system. First, however, two comments are necessary. Neither Jacobitism itself nor Hume's own writings possess the coherence the scholar might ideally wish for. Hume's critique has to be extracted from books and essays written over a thirty-year period, and none of these is a work of political theory per se. Moreover, these works address differing audiences and assume quite different things about the knowledge and philosophical acumen of their readers. This is quite apart from the fact that on some important issues Hume changed his mind over the years. At this level assessing Hume's meaning is often as difficult as the notorious problem of pinning down the 'real' Marx. As for Jacobitism, its ideology is difficult to articulate, since it was composed of many heterogeneous strands. The ideology of English Jacobites was a 'partial' view of the world. It embraced the pre-1688 Tory notions of hereditary and indefeasible right, passive obedience and non-resistance. It took in the 'Country' critique of corruption and its nostalgia for a lost 'golden age'. The ideology of Scottish Jacobitism came nearer to being a Weltanschauung. Apart from its role as an ideology of nationalism, stressing the importance of a unique Scottish culture, it depended on a providential and mystical view of the world. Basically, there were three types of ideological Jacobitism. The first type, whose major 173. tenets had been exhaustively debated during the period 1688-1720, concerned the notions of divine, indefeasible right, passive obedience and nonresistance. This doctrine, particularly associated with pro-Stuart polemicists like Charles Leslie and Francis Atterbury, was still very much alive in Jacobite circles by 1745, though the debate between Whig and Tory on its implications had to some extent given way to the debate between exponents of Court and Country positions. The second type was Jacobitism as an ideology of Scottish nationalism. This was particularly associated with the mystics of NorthEastern Scotland like Chevalier Ramsay, and was a powerful influence in the '45 rebellion. The third type was Jacobitism as... (shrink)